“Are you listening?”, she mentioned. “The forest is speaking to you.” This line, articulated by a Yanomami girl, is from the documentary The Final Forest (2021). Yanomami is an indigenous individuals dwelling in a mountainous area of the Amazon forest, in immediately’s northern Brazil.[1] The director Bolognesi hopes that the documentary might introduce the viewers to the life and resistance of the Yanomami, “from the interplay with them, from the will of listening and understanding them in their very own phrases”.[2] It’s a theatricalised illustration of the Yanomami group. But by way of its inventive type, it additionally efficiently impresses on the viewers a deep sense of the uphill wrestle for survival going through the indigenous peoples in Brazil.
Because the discovery of gold deposits of their land in 1986, the Yanomami have endured invasions by hundreds of gold prospectors. 1000’s of Yanomami individuals had been murdered, to not point out the environmental air pollution and ailments these prospectors introduced.[3] They signify one of many many indigenous peoples—talking numerous languages and imposed numerous names by Portuguese colonists[4]—who grew to become recognized collectively because the “Indians”. For a contextualised understanding of the place of the indigenous in Brazil—or certainly the politics of indigeneity itself—we should go additional again in historical past. The making of “the Indians” is inextricably intertwined with the making of “Brazil”, a lot in order that the anthropologist Gomes finds it “exhausting to affiliate the 2 in some other manner than a zero sum”.[5] This essay makes an attempt to hint the beginning and shifting meanings of indigeneity in Brazil, from the beginning of Portuguese colonisation by way of Brazil’s independence to up to date time. My rivalry is that the “indigenous” subjectivity was made and remade by the settlers for the elimination and self-discipline of human beings which have lengthy resided on the land they occupied. I additionally talk about the implications this had for the peoples who’ve been thought of indigenous, and the way these dynamics have modified immediately.
The Newly “Indigenous” in Portuguese Brazil
The primary encounter and the beginning of the indigenous
What is supposed by “indigeneity” or “the indigenous”? One would have answered otherwise had the historical past of the Lusophone South Atlantic not unfolded because it did. The place of the “indigenous”, it appears, might solely make sense close to the method of contact and its enduring results. Thus, I shall borrow the explication by Appiah and Robertson to orient this essay: Citing Appiah’s formulation that “few issues . . . are much less native than nativism in its present type”, Robertson contends that a lot of the notion of indigeneity immediately is “itself traditionally contingent upon encounters between one civilizational area and one other”.[6] Simply as Robertson makes use of the time period “Glocalisation” to seize the dialectical relationship between the native and the world, we should additionally perceive the indigeneity of the “Indians” within the context of Portuguese conquest of and encounter with peoples who had lengthy resided in immediately’s Brazil. Extra vital, this definition of indigeneity as an emergent product of contacts centres the modalities of co-existence and assimilation that had been imposed on the Indians on account of the colonial situation in Brazil since 1500. It’s the vicissitudes of this situation that I shall hint.
Quickly after Spain and Portugal signed the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, dividing the “New World” in halves, Portuguese sailors endorsed by the Crown started their makes an attempt at navigating the Atlantic Ocean. As Cabral’s fleet lastly discovered its manner southwest to Brazil in 1500, the Portuguese additionally discovered there the “new species” that they known as “the Indians”.[7]Whereas no violent confrontation was recorded in official Brazilian historical past, hostility was already displayed upon the primary encounter between the Portuguese and the native, because the colonisers raided native villages and the native fought valiantly again.[8] Nonetheless, it was not till 1534 that the Portuguese Crown divided Brazil into captaincies and granted native officers the ability to enslave the Indians.[9] For Gomes, this was due to the 1529 bull Inter Arcana issued from Rome, which, following the “simply battle” philosophy, conveyed Catholic sanction for violent subjection of “the barbarian nations”, if needed, to transmit “data of God”.[10] To Schwarcz and Starling, this timing displays Portuguese strategic calculation amid intensified competitors amongst European powers for a share of the New World.[11]
In any case, from the native perspective, this noticed the start of Portuguese invasion into their lands and exploitation of their labour. The Amazon itself was colonised within the 1620s, ruled individually from different elements of Brazil.[12] One can argue this imperial encounter created the indigenous topic: Impulsively, the sons of the soil grew to become a “celebration” on this battle for land possession and free existence. (Certainly, this was the language utilized by the colonisers, calling the indigenous individuals nação gentílica [heathen nation] and themselves entradas/bandeiras [entry/slave parties].[13]) Clearly, the 1548 Laws of Tomé de Souza had conditioned non-violent therapy of Indians on their accepting the colonial situation and gathering into aldeias for higher “indoctrination” and availability of their labour energy. Naturally, many Indians rejected Portuguese intrusion, which the colonisers took as a pretext for his or her enslavement. From 1548 to Brazil’s independence in 1822, dozens of ordinances had been issued in regards to the therapy of the Indians. But solely in a couple of cases had been there considerably unambiguous declarations of “liberty of the Indians”, equivalent to in 1570 with the Freedom of Indians Act,[14] and within the legal guidelines of 1605, 1609, and 1680.[15] (Even then, whether or not these had been enforced is uncertain.) Regardless of how the language of those decrees modified, and whatever the Crown and the non secular orders’ shifting out and in of consensus, slavery or cativeiro remained a close to fixed actuality for the conquered indigenous peoples.[16]
Logics of elimination and self-discipline
Other than captivity and slavery—and to facilitate these acts—the indigenous peoples in some areas of Brazil had from early on been topic to a deliberate try at assimilation. Via the displacement and re-ordering of indigenous topics, I argue, the colonisers aimed on the results of self-discipline in addition to elimination, in service of the imperial mission.
What strikes did the Portuguese colonists take particularly? There was firstly the duty of shifting the Indians dwelling within the mountainous inside all the way down to the east coast of Brazil close to Portuguese settlements. This was partly in order that the Indians could possibly be built-in into the colonial economic system, e.g., by working at engenhos (sugar-mills) close to coastal settlements. However the relocation into aldeias additionally enabled the disciplining of Indians in keeping with the colonisers’ administrative functions and European notions of civilisation. Writing about late 18th century Porto Seguro, Barickman describes the Crown and native officers’ need to “cultivate” the Indians, to acculturate them right into a sedentary agrarian way of life. On the one hand, colonists like José Xavier Machado Monteiro had been abhorred by the perceived “vile, lazy, and corrupt” disposition of the native, who spoke “barbarous” languages, lived in communal huts, wore little clothes, and refused to provide marketable items. Therefore, notably below Pombal’s insurance policies, deliberate makes an attempt had been made to assimilate and “civilise” the Indians. This noticed the creation of Directório dos índios (Directorate of Indians) in 1758, utilized first within the northern and Amazonian captaincies of Para and Maranhao and later (after Brazil’s independence below Pedro II[17]) whole Brazil.[18] White “administrators” had been appointed to every aldeia to rework the “dense darknesses of [the Indians’] rustic methods”.[19] The establishment of aldeias reminds of the panopticon: Indians had been assigned fastened, nucleated residences for straightforward management; these residences, in flip, had been to stick to sure spatial orientations and places (to not point out the presence of the church, city corridor, and jail on the centre of vilas to symbolise the coloniser’s energy). Native youngsters had been required to be taught Portuguese and Catholic doctrines. And naturally, the carrying of garments outside was enforced; not borrowed garments however purchased, which contributed to the colonial economic system, too.[20] By labouring and patrolling indigenous our bodies, the colonists might render the Indians each subjected and productive (and the latter in each symbolic—affirming the colonisers’ supposed superiority—and materials senses).[21]
Although the indigenous had been thus supposed to be helpful, they had been additionally topic to a logic of elimination, intensified by additional Portuguese settlement over time (particularly after Brazil’s independence). This may really feel like a paradox or a flaw within the colonisers’ plan, as Barickman suggests.[22] Nonetheless, Wolfe’s clarification of “(structural) genocide” helps reconcile these seemingly contradictory logics. To Wolfe, the violence of settler colonialism just isn’t equal to genocide as conventionally understood (precise killing of teams of human beings). It’s slightly the “grouphood”, or the “ongoingness” of an indigenous group’s mode of existence to borrow a communitarian expression from Walzer,[23]that settler colonialism sought to eradicate. This provides that means to “genos” on this explicit type of genocide.[24] By cultural assimilation, Portuguese colonisers disrupted (although not all the time efficiently) the indigenous peoples’ methods of life. Their tremendously wealthy knowledges and practices, then unappreciated by Europeans, might have remained intact however as a substitute suffered appreciable losses. An epistemological/ontological violence no much less eliminatory than direct coercion.[25]
The indigenous insubordination
The loophole in these methods is that indigenous peoples had been removed from obedient. They resisted this colonial mission in a mess of how, and certainly from the very starting of their contact with the Portuguese, as talked about. Barickman notes a scarcity of historic file on the precise modes of their resistance: We solely know that marginalisation and exploitation however, the Indians in Porto Seguro survived and proceed to dwell. This, he argues, confirms speculations of Indians fleeing from supervised aldeias (such because the 1784 “sublevação da Ilha do Quiepe”, an rebellion involving the flight of 900 Indians from a number of aldeias within the comarca of Ilheus, which lasted seven years[26]), and rumoured drunkenness in defiance to ban on alcohol manufacturing.[27] Nonetheless, some proof is traceable. Established Portuguese settlements had been generally raided by Indians. Within the 1590s, as an illustration, the Indians attacked the settlement of Engenho Santana in Ilhéus, which by the 1570s had over 100 slaves.[28] As Langfur notes, this was mirrored in early cartographic references to Indians within the 17th century, displaying that between the mouths of the Pardo and Paraiba Rivers, the a lot feared Botocudo whom colonisers known as the Aimoré (actually the “evil ones”) had shaped a barrier to Portuguese settlement, consequently limiting the wealth colonists might derive from Brazil.[29] Barickman places the impact of Indian resistance in numbers: In Porto Seguro, these raids aroused a lot concern and injury that the Portuguese inhabitants declined from 1,320 in 1570 to 600 in twenty years, as two out of three captaincies had been abandoned, and solely one of many seven engenhos there remained below management.[30]
The Indians who had been resettled into aldeias additionally resisted by way of acts of insubordination to and contempt for colonial measures of self-discipline. Inside their huts, native youngsters above three years of age continued sleeping together with their mother and father, regardless that it was formally prohibited. There was no technique to confirm if Indians wore garments indoors both. As for talking Portuguese or native languages, Barickman notes that Indians merely took care to not communicate their “barbarous tongues” within the presence of administrators and different officers.[31] The descendants of some Indian peoples testify to Barickman’s account: Many Indian youngsters the Portuguese got down to “civilise” had spoken their indigenous languages at any time when doable, regardless of often being caught and punished by the Portuguese.[32] Taken collectively, these acts of insubordination evince the boundaries of the colonisers’ authority, regardless that the indigenous peoples paid an incredible value for his or her defiance and their cultures didn’t emerge unscathed.
Change and Continuity after 1822
From non-citizens to orphans and the landless dispossessed
With the independence of Brazil from Portugal in 1822, a lot of the dynamics between the colonisers and the indigenous peoples remained the identical, following the logics of self-discipline and elimination. Initially, with a surge of a brand new need for a Brazilian nationwide id, Brazilian elites debated the query of citizenship within the new empire, together with the query of Indians. Early on, José Bonifácio de Andrade e Silva introduced his “Notes on the Civilisation of the Barbarian Indians of Brazil” to the Constituent Meeting in 1823 for consideration of the Indians’ place within the new nation.[33] But this was not taken up, as the brand new king Pedro I of Brazil, son of king John VI of Portugal, sanctioned a Structure with none point out of the Indians.[34] Miki defined this when it comes to the brand new authorities’s lack of ability to confront the authorized questions posed by such a heterogeneous inhabitants as Brazil’s. Such makes an attempt however, Indians in Brazil had been left in the identical predicament as slaves, and lots of remained poor and exploited. Main rebellions erupted in early 19th century. Within the early 1830s, Indians together with runaway slaves in Pernambuco and Alagoas fought a three-year insurrection in opposition to provincial authorities and sugar planters to guard their land.”[35] One other revolt in 1832, the Guerra dos Cabanos, was staged by run-away slaves and free Indians.[36] As Barman writes, this was unsurprising, on condition that the brand new Imperial regime, the land-owners, and the retailers colluded within the continued exploitation of slaves and the poor free Indians.
Solely below Pedro II had been new makes an attempt made at laws of Indian incorporation.[37] Satirically, this proved merely one other stage of exploitation and elimination of the Indians. Beneath strain to abolish slavery, the settlers already started increasing their territory to indigenous lands and relied more and more on enslavement of Indians. When in 1831, Indians had been categorised as “orphans”.[38] Beneath state “guardianship”, they had been to be educated, by way of labour (or slavery with a meagre pay). Alongside continued pressured labour was an “emancipatory” effort. A Regiment of the Missions was created in 1845, guided by the motto catquese e civilização (Christianisation and civilisation) pursued by the directorate and Capuchin missionaries.[39] The identical assimilatory/eliminatory need shines by way of these obvious adjustments.
Importantly, anticipating the competition for land possession immediately, the Regulation of the Lands was issued in 1850, with main penalties for the indigenous peoples. It established that each property declare should be registered and legalised in public land registrar workplaces. This excluded most Indians from claiming authorized possession of land, given their lack of entry to legal professionals and capability to navigate the bureaucratic processes.[40] Later political officers nullified a lot of the Indians’ lands and made them public, “by way of contrived authorized means in addition to by sheer political energy”. [41] Deprivation of homeland, together with elevated contact with autonomous indigenous peoples which introduced them deadly ailments, induced the inhabitants of many communities to say no from hundreds of thousands to tens of hundreds by the 19th century. As if to seek out some consolation on this actuality, 19th century Brazilian elites embraced Social Darwinism and promulgated the concept the indigenous, or “maladaptive”, had been doomed for extinction.[42] Such is the brutality of colonialism for the indigenous peoples: the extra precious their ancestral lands, the extra expendable the peoples themselves grew to become to the settlers. As Wolfe writes, citing Rose, “the place they’re is who they’re, and never solely by their very own reckoning. . . . [T]o get in the way in which of settler colonization, all of the native has to do is keep at residence.”[43] The “indigenous”, in such a context, was made by the settlers for disappearance.
Institutional approaches to the Indian query and competing pursuits in Republican Brazil
After centuries of struggles by indigenous peoples themselves, the safety of indigenous rights was lastly institutionalised with the formation of the Indian Safety Service (SPI) and later the Nationwide Indian Basis (FUNAI). What motivated SPI’s creation in 1910 was rising sympathy amongst educated Brazilians in main cities.[44]The results of this growth was blended. SPI recognised Indians as “individuals in isolation” slightly than “savage”, and provided some primary safety from potential invaders. By the Nineteen Fifties, over 100 service posts had been arrange on (non-autonomous) Indian lands. It promoted indigenous tradition in collaboration with museums and UNESCO. Regardless of all this, SPI did not cease the decline in indigenous inhabitants, which fell to a historic low of 100,000 at one time.[45] Confronted with industrial advances into indigenous lands, SPI might solely act as “pacifier” of the Indians, negotiating (as if it had been negotiable) with them for a division and distribution of the land involved.[46]
The FUNAI, however, was a product of the 1964 coup d’état and the set up of the army regime. The then declining SPI was to the distaste of the regime and was abolished. As a substitute, it tasked the brand new FUNAI with resolving the “Indian query”. This turned out to imply accelerated assimilation of Indians into Brazil. FUNAI helped demarcation of indigenous lands and loved intervals of pleasant relationship with Indians. However principally, following the “army regime’s doctrine of “financial growth with nationwide safety”, it merely intensified contact with autonomous Indians, and “managed” them extra effectively with out compromising different events’ (usually anti-Indian) pursuits.[47] Corporations turned to FUNAI, too, to hold out (unlawful) mining.[48] In its nationalisation mission—to make the indigenous a content material member of recent Brazil—FUNAI’s success (to attain its targets) was pretty restricted, which is in any case higher for the indigenous, as Gomes contends.[49]
Whether or not one views these institutional approaches as paternalistic however pathetic makes an attempt at safety (regardless of that 1988 Structure implied the tip of Indians’ state wardship[50]), or as insidious acts of assimilation, we should observe how a lot remained unchanged by way of the huge span of historical past throughout which “indigeneity” has emerged and been reworked a number of instances. Even below the façade of concord painted by Gilberto Freyre’s concept of “Luso-tropicalism” and “racial democracy”, nonetheless influential amongst political elites, one senses the inherent inequality within the colonial and later nation-building mission.[51] As Quijano and Ennis argue, the making of the fashionable Brazilian nation-state “a la europea” is itself a technique of homogenisation that has made the indigenous topic an enemy.[52] It’s no marvel, then, that regardless of institutional efforts and rising worldwide consideration, trendy Brazil stays hostile to indigenous existence. For such is the that means of “indigeneity” as inscribed by, to cite Quijano, a “coloniality of energy”.
Remaking the Indigenous Topic
The Lusophone world, in indigenous phrases
“The non-native authorities use this phrase lots: ‘vital’. For you, who dwell within the metropolis, merchandise are crucial factor… What issues to us are the animals within the forest, fertility… our survival, our progress, our lifestyle, and our existence as individuals.”[53] These are the phrases of Davis Kopenawa, shaman and consultant of the Yanomami individuals and one of many screenwriters for The Final Forest, at Harvard College, addressed to a principally white viewers. Such sights have grow to be extra frequent lately as indigenous individuals grow to be more and more vocal (or more and more heard) in advocating for his or her rights in opposition to infringement by the state and industries. Not solely have many indigenous peoples skilled a “demographic turnaround”, they’ve additionally discovered a brand new language for his or her wrestle in mild of the altering worldview of the worldwide group.[54] Local weather change in indigenous lands and worldwide highlights the significance of defending each the forests and their residents. Thus, of their advocacy, organisations just like the UN, Survival Worldwide, and indigenous peoples themselves have linked the dual causes of environmental safety and indigenous survival.[55] Postcolonial thinkers are additionally standing in solidarity with the indigenous subalterns, as they make clear insights from indigenous cosmologies.[56] These have provided a brand new language[57] and a brand new realm of speech for these relegated to the margins of the fashionable age.
Nonetheless, within the closing evaluation, there’s something disturbing within the language that the indigenous are the most effective guardian of the forest,[58] and “useful” for assuaging the unfolding local weather disaster. Probably, there’s a lot to be taught from indigenous peoples in Brazil and elsewhere to encourage different imaginaries of the Anthropocene.[59] But at its coronary heart, this utilitarian language echoes the logic of elimination central to settler colonialism. It’s exactly on account of this logic of settler colonialism, as elaborated by Wolfe, that indigenous peoples in Brazil, regardless of surviving the colonial situation, have largely noticed their native title/entitlement extinguished. The wound goes nonetheless deeper. As Brantlinger argues, “the juggernaut of financial growth [is] to peoples attempting to take care of conventional methods of life . . . simply as harmful as armed massacres.”[60] To convey the fashionable Brazilian nation-state “to the correct courtroom”, the genocidality of the fashionable situation should be the main target, not some fading hope for potential advantages from the indigenous peoples’ survival; the Anthropocene just isn’t their accountability. Bloodbath continues to be ongoing (to not neglect how COVID-19 impacts indigenous peoples), as gold prospectors raided indigenous lands and polluted rivers with mercury.[61] Whereas indigenous peoples proceed to press for his or her calls for,[62] the Bolsonaro regime has resolutely rejected their claims to ancestral lands.[63]
To conclude, the shifting structure of “indigeneity” in Brazil charts a historical past of the indigenous peoples’ resistance in opposition to colonial closure of the frontier. To this point, coloniality (even in postcolonial instances) seems triumphant. Whether or not this sounds pessimistic, the language of modernity reigns supreme. But, lest we neglect, the indigenous peoples’ actuality stays one among refusing to be mourned as “(near-)extinct”, refusing to be written out of historical past together with their struggles for a rightful place in Brazil, and refusing to relinquish to an intrusive colonio-capitalist ideology. Therein lies the incivility of and essential problem to the fashionable capitalist world and trendy Brazilian regime, which the making of indigeneity for elimination continually reminds one among.
Notes
[1]On this essay, I exploit the phrases “indigenous”, “Indian”, and “native” interchangeably. As my theoretical framework will clarify, I might deal with none of those phrases as extra indifferent from colonial affect than the others.
[2] Bolognesi, The Final Forest.
[3] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 5.
[4] Gomes offers an in depth define of the completely different indigenous “ethnies” with their corresponding language households and geographical areas. Nonetheless, such anthropological categorisations are definitely to some extent arbitrary, as Gomes admits when discussing conflicting figures in current literature. See ibid., 132–53, 250–58, and 259, footnote 2.
[5] Ibid., 1.
[6] Appiah, In My Father’s Home, 60; quoted and elaborated in Robertson, “Glocalization,” 37–38.
[7] Schwarcz and Starling, “First Got here the Title, and Then the Land Known as Brazil.”
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Quoted in Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 58.
[11] Schwarcz and Starling, “First Got here the Title, and Then the Land Known as Brazil.”
[12] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 67.
[13] Ibid., 59–60.
[14] Schwarcz and Starling, “First Got here the Title, and Then the Land Known as Brazil.”
[15] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 64.
[16] Ibid., 59–64.
[17] Ibid., 72.
[18] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 337.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ibid., 338–41.
[21] Foucault, “Panopticism”; and Foucault, “The Physique of the Condemned.”
[22] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia.”
[23] Walzer, “Emergency Ethics,” 43.
[24] Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 398.
[25] Ibid., 401.
[26] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 351, observe 76.
[27] Ibid., 351.
[28] Schwartz, Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels, 51.
[29] Langfur, The Forbidden Lands, 39.
[30] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 330.
[31] Ibid., 341; Carelli et al., Indians in Brazil.
[32] Carelli et al., Indians in Brazil.
[33] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 9.
[34] Ibid., 70; Miki, “Outdoors of Society,” 2018, 34.
[35] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 326.
[36] Barman, Brazil, 169.
[37] Miki, “Outdoors of Society,” 2018, 34.
[38] Ibid., 53.
[39] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 72; Miki, “Outdoors of Society,” 2018, 34.
[40] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 72–73.
[41] Ibid., 73.
[42] Ibid., 74; Miki, “Outdoors of Society,” 2018, 102–4.
[43] Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 388.
[44] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 77.
[45] Ibid., 77–81.
[46] Ibid., 81.
[47] Ibid., 82–88.
[48] Ibid., 177.
[49] Ibid., 83.
[50] Miki, Frontiers of Citizenship, 259.
[51] Dávila, “Brazil within the Lusotropical World.”
[52] Quijano and Ennis, “Coloniality of Energy.”
[53] Bolognesi, The Final Forest.
[54] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, ix–xii.
[55] For instance, see FAO and FILAC, Forest Governance by Indigenous and Tribal Peoples; and Survival Worldwide, The Large Inexperienced Lie.
[56] As an example, Santos, The Finish of the Cognitive Empire.
[57] It’s definitely true that this language (of indigenous survival being inextricable from the numerous “world challenges” of the fashionable world) just isn’t totally new, nor does it belong solely if in any respect to the indigenous. In some sense, it might even be interpreted right into a binary of indigenous (nature)/settler (tradition). As I’ve tried to take care of all through this essay, a lot of the articulations by the indigenous and the non-indigenous have because the referent the opposite celebration of this dialectical pair. Therefore my qualification subsequent in regards to the colonial imprint on this language. Nonetheless, I believe one can’t deny indigenous company. The secret’s to recognise that “company” is unnecessary exterior a system of oppression, which will be so crushing {that a} broad-based and strategic alliance for resistance is urgently wanted.
[58] Carrington, “Indigenous Peoples by Far the Finest Guardians of Forests – UN Report.”
[59] See, as an illustration, Pereira and Gebara, “The place the Materials and the Symbolic Intertwine.”
[60] Brantlinger, “White Twilights,” 190.
[61] Bolognesi, The Final Forest; “Report.”
[62] “1000’s of Indigenous Individuals in Brasilia Press for Their Ancestral Proper to Land.”
[63] “Bolsonaro Reiterates That Additional Demand for Indigenous Lands Threatens Brazilian Agriculture”; “Brazil Authorities Authorizes Armed Forces Deployment on Indigenous Lands in Rio Grande Do Sul State.”
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Additional Studying on E-Worldwide Relations
