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Presidents Have a Long History of Using the FCC to Silence Their Critics

by William L. Anderson
September 25, 2025
in Finance
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The president was indignant on the press, claiming that journalists had been spreading “toxic propaganda” about him. Utilizing the Federal Communications Fee as a political weapon, he threatened the licenses of broadcast corporations that employed folks vital of him.

Whereas Donald Trump possible is the primary particular person to return to thoughts right here, the opening sentences should not about him. They’re, as a substitute, concerning the non secular customary bearer of the Democratic Occasion—Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Certainly, whereas president, FDR used the powers of his workplace to punish, bully, and intimidate print and broadcast journalists that dared to disagree with the New York patrician.

Roosevelt, sadly, didn’t merely have interaction in actions that violated the First Modification to the Structure, however he did so with out disgrace, pushing the boundaries of what presidents may do when brazenly going in opposition to the letter and spirit of the regulation. For instance, in historian David Beito’s The New Deal’s Battle on the Invoice of Rights, he paperwork how FDR ran roughshod over the rights of Individuals he believed had been his opponents:

Whereas most New Deal critics have targeted on its financial insurance policies or threats to property rights, Beito particulars how the Roosevelt administration used authorities energy to subvert free speech, private privateness, and different primary liberties. The ebook chronicles the extent of the administration’s overreach, which concerned all the pieces from shutting down newspapers to prosecuting New Deal opponents.

Beito illustrates how threats to property rights and civil rights within the New Deal may go collectively, particularly for firms that needed to broadcast over the air. Roosevelt advised the newly created Federal Communications Fee to spike functions from radio stations hostile to the administration. Additionally they discouraged anti-FDR broadcasts. In 1940, for instance, the FCC blocked the acquisition of a 15-minute section by the antiwar America First Committee. Such efforts prompted firms to self-censor their content material to keep away from offending the administration. When an NBC commentator flippantly attacked FDR on radio, an NBC vp phoned the White Home to say that the community would take him off the air.

And, like at this time, the American Civil Liberties Union determined that championing the Democratic Occasion was extra necessary than standing with the group’s alleged rules in opposition to authorities abuse of residents:

Beito highlights the American Civil Liberties Union’s lamentable function in these and different abuses. The ACLU typically acted much less like champions of civil liberties than partisans for the Democratic Occasion. The group defended FDR’s radio crackdown, and its publicity director mentioned that free speech shouldn’t apply over the airwaves. The group’s Massachusetts affiliate celebrated the prosecution of the journal Social Justice for its anti-administration stance. Morris Ernst, a outstanding ACLU legal professional, even wrote to the president with a plan to look at FDR opponents’ tax returns. These examples are eye-opening for readers who would possibly assume that the ACLU’s willingness to condone restrictions on free expression is a newer growth.

Roosevelt didn’t restrict his predations to utilizing federal companies to harass perceived opponents; he additionally enlisted Sen. Hugo Black—a Democrat from Alabama who was each a staunch supporter of the New Deal and who owned a lifetime membership within the Ku Klux Klan. (Regardless of his affiliation with the Klan, FDR positioned Black on the US Supreme Courtroom).

As chairman of the particular Senate committee to research lobbying by electrical energy producers, Black confirmed no authorized restraint in going after members of the press, utilizing federal companies such because the Inner Income Service to harass political opponents, regardless of Black’s coaching as an legal professional and a stint as a choose:

The Treasury granted Black entry to tax returns courting again to 1925 of such critics as David Lawrence of the United States Information. Then he moved to acquire his targets’ non-public telegrams, demanding that telegraph firms let the committee search copies of all incoming and outgoing telegrams for the primary 9 months of 1935. When Western Union refused on privateness grounds, the FCC, at Black’s urging, ordered it to conform.

Sadly, FDR by no means paid a political value for his dismantling of the Structure. Not like Donald Trump—who at the least is going through some condemnation from media quarters for his use of the FCC licensing course of to bully broadcast media—Roosevelt is sort of uniformly introduced within the legacy media as a staunch civil libertarian. To make issues worse, a few of FDR’s successors—maybe inspired by the shortage of penalties for a Democratic president who violated the Structure—additionally used the FCC to go after media corporations they didn’t like and confronted little Fourth Property opposition.

JFK, LBJ, and the FCC: Shutting Down Opposing Voices

Aside from FDR, no trendy president has acquired extra hagiographic press than John F. Kennedy. A part of that protection has come as a result of he was assassinated, however even when he was alive, he acquired overwhelmingly favorable remedy from the legacy media, and particularly broadcasting information.

Nevertheless, there was opposition on the best to a lot of his proposals and, like Roosevelt, Kennedy determined to make use of the FCC as a weapon in opposition to broadcasters that didn’t get together with his program:

Within the early Sixties, President Kennedy’s administration launched some of the profitable censorship campaigns in U.S. historical past. The themes of Kennedy’s ire had been conservative radio broadcasters, who continuously attacked the administration’s coverage proposals. Fearful about his reelection probabilities, Kennedy instructed the Inner Income Service (IRS) and the Federal Communications Fee (FCC) to focus on the offending broadcasters with tax audits and heightened regulatory scrutiny. Inside just a few years, this censorship marketing campaign had pushed conservative broadcasters off a whole lot of radio stations; it could be greater than a decade earlier than the top of the Equity Doctrine enabled the resurgence of political discuss radio.

Broadcasters similar to Carl McIntire, Billy James Hargis, and H.L. Hunt took to the airways to denounce US international coverage as being too pro-Soviet Union and to withstand the federal government’s desegregation plans and to name for an finish to financial interventionism. The Kennedy camp believed they had been a risk to his re-election and moved in opposition to them:

President Kennedy had good purpose to be apprehensive concerning the results of the Radio Proper on his reelection hopes for 1964. In 1960, he had gained by solely the narrowest of margins, and that was earlier than conservative radio had reached its full potential. It was when Radio Proper listeners turned off their radio dials that their political motion began. As Myer Feldman, one in every of Kennedy’s shut advisers, famous in a confidential memorandum to the president, conservative broadcasters had inspired grassroots activists throughout the nation to “harass native college boards, native librarians, and native governing our bodies.”

The Kennedy administration used the IRS and the FCC, implementing the Equity Doctrine as a weapon in opposition to the broadcasters. After JFK was assassinated, Lyndon B. Johnson continued his predecessor’s insurance policies in opposition to broadcast opposition utilizing the identical federal companies. Johnson was in a position to win a landslide election victory in 1964, thanks partially to his anti-radio marketing campaign, and different entities just like the Nationwide Council of Church buildings and the AFL-CIO continued to demand that the federal government crack down on right-wing radio.

Their efforts had been largely profitable, and it could not be till the Nineteen Eighties and the ending of implementing the Equity Doctrine by the Ronald Reagan administration that right-leaning discuss radio would make a comeback. Not surprisingly, Democrats opposed Reagan’s transfer, since removing these restrictions on broadcasters helped their political opposition.

Conclusion

Not surprisingly, Richard Nixon additionally declared battle on the media, however was unsuccessful. Donald Trump desires to do the identical, as we have now seen together with his strikes in opposition to ABC and the Jimmy Kimmel present following the assassination of Charlie Kirk.

And, not surprisingly, Trump’s strikes have confronted opposition in lots of quarters and accurately so. Nevertheless, as unhealthy as his actions may be, we should always keep in mind their context and the historical past of utilizing federal companies to assault political enemies. Prefer it or not, Democrats are typically extra profitable, as we have now seen on this article, as a result of their actions usually tend to obtain favorable legacy media protection, on condition that Democrats are likely to dominate the management of the tutorial and media sectors.

This doesn’t change the underlying drawback, nevertheless, which is that federal taxing and regulatory companies should not and by no means have been politically impartial. These companies don’t want “reform,” however somewhat ought to be abolished altogether.



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Tags: CriticsFCCHistoryLongPresidentssilence
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